The responsibility of upholding the cease-fire between Israel and Hezbollah, and ensuring infractions by Hezbollah are regulated, once rested on the Lebanese Army, and that responsibility has once again been placed on their shoulders. Disappointingly, their previous attempts at this responsibility resulted in failure. At the location of a strike by Israel in the heart of Beirut, Lebanese Army troops were present. The precarious peace enjoyed between Israel and Hezbollah largely lies in the hands of approximately 10,000 of these Lebanese soldiers.
Unfortunately, the last instance when the Lebanese Army was assigned the task of ensuring a cease-fire was upheld, their effort proved futile. Terms of the current cease-fire dictate a two-month peace period between Israel and Hezbollah, the Lebanese militant faction, during which Israeli forces will slowly retreat from Lebanon, and Hezbollah will withdraw from the country’s border with Israel. The agreement strongly depends on the performance of the Lebanese Army to ensure the successful retreat of Hezbollah. This same force, given its competing priorities and deep-seated sectarian intricacies, has consistently shown its incapability — or perhaps lack of interest — to restrain Hezbollah.
In a new buffer zone established along the border, an area extending from a few to 18 miles wide, the Lebanese Army has the duty to destroy all Hezbollah military infrastructure, confiscate any unsanctioned arms and hinder any production or transfer of weaponry. Sometimes, the Lebanese soldiers will be accompanied by the United Nations peacekeeping forces, who will take a subsidiary role. On Wednesday, the army initiated the deployment of more troops to the region. This methodology has been executed before, however, its effectiveness remains questionable.
The 2006 Lebanon War was concluded with a cease-fire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah, also known as Resolution 1701. This resolution dictated that the Lebanese Army, with assistance from U.N. peacekeepers, keep Hezbollah at bay and away from the border. Several years later, Hezbollah emerged stronger than ever with improved weaponry, well-developed infrastructure, and extensive tunnel systems across the border region.
Regardless of these past shortcomings, the Lebanese Army seems to remain the top choice for the international community. In the recent past, countries such as the United States, among others, have recommenced efforts to equip, fund, and train the Lebanese forces. However, some believe that this strategy could be precarious and risky. ‘This methodology has been tested before,’ commented a senior analyst studying Hezbollah, ‘The Lebanese Army has never managed to challenge Hezbollah, making this situation quite peculiar.’
Israel’s requirement for a side agreement proved to be one of the final hurdles in reaching the cease-fire. According to this agreement, if the Lebanese Army is unable to ensure that Hezbollah is disarmament, Israel would possess the approval of the U.S. to retaliate with force. Israel has plans to monitor Hezbollah’s obedience to the agreement via intelligence operations and aerial surveillances. The Israeli Prime Minister stated in a broadcasted address that if Hezbollah breaks the agreement and seeks to arm itself, they will be forced to counter.
The Lebanese Army’s role has been pivotal in the international strategy targeting peace in the region. The United States has dedicated a massive sum upwards of $3 billion to the force since 2006. Commitments from Saudi Arabia included another $3 billion in 2013, but these payments stopped after three years. Only last month, with the help of France, an additional $200 million was raised.
Despite these investments, Hezbollah’s capacity exceeds that of Lebanon’s military in terms of sophisticated weaponry and combat experience. Some of the fault for this failing strategy is often placed on the Lebanese government, which has been reluctant to provide the Lebanese Army with a clear mandate to restrain the military wing of Hezbollah. This is particularly problematic considering Hezbollah also functions as a significant political party, and some factions within the government sympathize or align with the group.
‘They have the ability to fight and achieve a victory,’ expressed a fellow at the Institute, ‘What’s missing is a political resolution.’ The Lebanese Army has desisted from operating as a customary military over the years, relinquishing the responsibility of securing borders and abstaining from Israel’s showdowns with Hezbollah. Army officers worry that the diverse force, composed of various sects, could disturb national stability if it is seen as targeting a specific sectarian group.
As a result, the Lebanese soldiers seldom take action — if at all — against private residences or vehicles in southern Lebanon to conduct searches for Hezbollah members and weaponry. Despite these constraints, the new cease-fire agreement doubles down on the army. It gives Lebanese soldiers a broader mandate to annihilate weapon production facilities and to block the entry of unauthorized arms into Lebanon.
The agreement sets expectations on the Lebanese soldiers to patrol the entire borderline of Lebanon and establish borders and checkpoints within the buffer zone between Israel and Hezbollah. Extra tasks under this agreement include deploying 10,000 soldiers to the buffer zone, a mandate which the U.S. and France are respectively tasked with facilitating. Currently, the number of Lebanese soldiers in the area is around 4,000, as per reports from two senior Lebanese security officials.
Lebanon is stuck in a long-term fiscal crisis that impels an inherently pressed government to increasingly resort to the military for domestic peacekeeping. Simultaneously, Lebanon’s currency has experienced a downfall, inciting numerous common soldiers to seek extra work. ‘Despite performing a role of critical importance, it barely provides for sustenance,’ voiced a researcher at Beirut’s Middle East Center, ‘This is a critical issue that needs to be addressed in any future planning.’